check this out:
What North and South Sudan need now: more women at the negotiating table
Sudan may have split into two new countries, but the violent disagreements continue. New talks must include more women. Their exclusion from these negotiations is a cause of instability, not its cure.
http://www.csmonitor.com/Commentary/Opinion/2011/0718/What-North-and-South-Sudan-need-now-more-women-at-the-negotiating-table/%28page%29/2
Thursday, July 28, 2011
Wednesday, June 15, 2011
Check out this website
http://www.offthesidelines.org/
I know I haven't been posting anything of my own lately on this blog, I have been semi-busy with my other blog (on human trafficking.)
However, I promise to continue posting links to interesting articles and initiatives that I come across.
Also, as I prepare to be a T.A. for a course in January on Inclusive Security, I will be posting about that experience--so, I promise more to come soon!
http://www.offthesidelines.org/
I know I haven't been posting anything of my own lately on this blog, I have been semi-busy with my other blog (on human trafficking.)
However, I promise to continue posting links to interesting articles and initiatives that I come across.
Also, as I prepare to be a T.A. for a course in January on Inclusive Security, I will be posting about that experience--so, I promise more to come soon!
Friday, June 10, 2011
Tuesday, June 7, 2011
Gendered Perceptions and Women’s Equality in Electoral Politics
Another interesting study...here's the main gist:
Despite progress in many areas of American professional life, women currently hold less than 17% of national-level elected offices, meaning that the country continues to lag behind most of the developed world in terms of gender parity in politics. The 2010 elections brought about the first-ever decrease in the female-to-male ratio in Congressional seats since the first woman was elected to Congress in 1916.
A study by Loyola Marymount University and American University published in American Journal of Political Science, Gendered Perceptions and Political Candidacies: A Central Barrier to Women’s Equality in Electoral Politics, explores a potential explanation for this persistent political gender gap.
The study compared how men and women assessed themselves in terms of whether or not they thought they had the qualifications for political office. In terms of experience and preparation, the differences between men and women in the sample were not statistically significant: 33% of women and 35% of men had conducted extensive policy research; 65% of women and 69% of men regularly engaged in public speaking; and 69% of women and 64% of men had fundraising experience.
The study’s findings include:
Between men and women with comparable credentials, backgrounds, and experiences, women are substantially less likely than men to perceive themselves as qualified to seek office.
Despite relying on the same factors when evaluating themselves as candidates, women are 29% less likely than men to assess themselves as “very qualified” to run for office and 80% more likely than men to believe themselves “not at all qualified.”
Women have a stronger perception of gender bias in the political arena, with 78% believing it is more difficult for a woman to be elected than a man, compared with 57% of men believing such bias exists.
The authors state that this difference in self-perceptions might mean that striving for “similar professional credentials, economic autonomy, and political experience, alone, cannot close the gender gap” in politics.
Despite progress in many areas of American professional life, women currently hold less than 17% of national-level elected offices, meaning that the country continues to lag behind most of the developed world in terms of gender parity in politics. The 2010 elections brought about the first-ever decrease in the female-to-male ratio in Congressional seats since the first woman was elected to Congress in 1916.
A study by Loyola Marymount University and American University published in American Journal of Political Science, Gendered Perceptions and Political Candidacies: A Central Barrier to Women’s Equality in Electoral Politics, explores a potential explanation for this persistent political gender gap.
The study compared how men and women assessed themselves in terms of whether or not they thought they had the qualifications for political office. In terms of experience and preparation, the differences between men and women in the sample were not statistically significant: 33% of women and 35% of men had conducted extensive policy research; 65% of women and 69% of men regularly engaged in public speaking; and 69% of women and 64% of men had fundraising experience.
The study’s findings include:
Between men and women with comparable credentials, backgrounds, and experiences, women are substantially less likely than men to perceive themselves as qualified to seek office.
Despite relying on the same factors when evaluating themselves as candidates, women are 29% less likely than men to assess themselves as “very qualified” to run for office and 80% more likely than men to believe themselves “not at all qualified.”
Women have a stronger perception of gender bias in the political arena, with 78% believing it is more difficult for a woman to be elected than a man, compared with 57% of men believing such bias exists.
The authors state that this difference in self-perceptions might mean that striving for “similar professional credentials, economic autonomy, and political experience, alone, cannot close the gender gap” in politics.
Wednesday, June 1, 2011
WIIS Report Summary
What women in peace and security careers within the federal government are saying about their experiences is vital to informing improvements. Currently the best guide to knowing what is happening that helps women break through the glass ceiling is found in a report released by Women in International Security (WIIS). This report identified three major components needed to better promote and retain females up the career ladder specifically in peace and security careers: first, a formal mentorship program for all females in peace and security careers; job flexibility to allow for work/life balance; targeted leadership trainings for female recruits and mid-management.
While the study included a broad range of perspectives, these three issues were agreed upon across the board. As well as the fact that these things are needed because women remain unrepresented and are not receiving the support they need in order to advance into leadership positions. The study reflected a very hopeful tone, that these changes could make a true difference in women’s work experience, satisfaction, and advancement opportunities. Throughout the report women mentioned USAID and the Presidential Management Fellows (PMF) program as being two examples of progress in all three problem areas. The rest of the agencies should model their efforts after these examples of best practices that have seen results.
Proposed Components for U.S. NAP
The WIIS report identified three major reforms that should be included in the U.S. NAP to ensure greater participation of women at all levels of foreign policy creation and particularly in the top level decision-making positions. To these three interventions, I add one more based on observations of best practices in other E.U. countries that have had better progress at approaching gender parity in the higher bureaucratic positions. Together, these make a group of four interventions necessary to making an effective NAP for the U.S.:
1. Training on two levels: First, trainings for people currently in top level and
management positions on the holistic approach to promoting and retaining women in their agencies. Second, provide leadership development trainings for women who demonstrate an interest. Many participants in the WIIS report expressed concern over the paucity of opportunities for career development within the peace and security sectors of the government. These trainings would not necessarily need to be exclusively for women, however, there should be targeted trainings that particularly address the challenges women face due to social perceptions of leadership roles.
This need for training has also been recognized in the business world. A recent report published by Deloitte Consulting calls for “acknowledging and investing in women”, saying that doing so “can yield a significant return—a return known as the gender dividend.” Deloitte has long been a leader in making the business case for parity and within its own offices has had great success through training approaches similar to the above recommendations.
2. Mentoring programs created and supported to ensure sustained relationships:
“Women in the [WIIS] study experienced a direct correlation between mentorship and professional advancement.” Government offices are no exception to the general saying that “its not what you know but who you know”, making mentoring relationships vital to the success of anyone in any career. Creating the opportunity for women newly entering the peace and security career track to be mentored by someone in a leadership position will purposefully give the support needed to aiding these women’s successful career advancement. However, once created, these mentorship programs must be sustained and continually encouraged through various incentives to the mentors to stay engaged with their mentees.
3. Flexibility for better work-life balance: Across all careers, women and men
face hard decisions of prioritizing work versus their personal lives. While traditionally this problem has been associated solely with women, it is no longer the cultural assumption that women will stay home, sacrificing careers for children. The desire for greater work-life balance is expressed by men and women alike. In the WIIS study, participants expressed that while rules on paper allowed for flexibility, “key work-life balance arrangements are not yet institutionalized uniformly across the government.”
In order to retain talent and not lose the investment in human capital, government offices need to have holistic approaches to offering all workers greater flexibility. Two examples of this are paternity leave and part-time work arrangements. Leave for both parents during and following a pregnancy or for emergency childcare should be instituted across all government sectors. Men and women should have the option to work part-time from home for a period of time without setbacks in career advancement.
4. Improved data collection, monitoring and evaluation: For any of the above
recommendations to be successfully, they should be accompanied with changes in the personnel management method of tracking gender-related data. Many of the EU countries with NAPs included specific references to human resources management being responsible for recording gender rations. This data should track not only the gender make-up of current employees, but also each of the following groups: application pools according to sector and GS level; new hires; training participants; mentorship programs; promotion-eligible individuals and those who received promotions, etc. In order to accurately target change and track outcomes, statistical analysis is required on a more detailed level than is possible with currently available data.
The WIIS report remarked that “outside of the military ranks, the statistics on civilian women in specific government positions are not easily accessible. While government agencies track general statistics on recruitment, retention, and attrition, the numbers often do not capture enough information on how women are experiencing barriers to advancement and when they are choosing to leave government service.”
These four interventions should be directly addressed in the NAP for the U.S. in order to institutionalize a gender-aware approach at all levels of government careers that shape peace and security policy and operations. Once again, these are not all-inclusive and the purpose of this paper is solely to make recommendations addressing the domestic aspects of the NAP. These recommendations promote a strong approach to gender-mainstreaming in both DOD and DOS. Since there will be many opponents to this notion, the following pages address possible responses to this opposition.
While the study included a broad range of perspectives, these three issues were agreed upon across the board. As well as the fact that these things are needed because women remain unrepresented and are not receiving the support they need in order to advance into leadership positions. The study reflected a very hopeful tone, that these changes could make a true difference in women’s work experience, satisfaction, and advancement opportunities. Throughout the report women mentioned USAID and the Presidential Management Fellows (PMF) program as being two examples of progress in all three problem areas. The rest of the agencies should model their efforts after these examples of best practices that have seen results.
Proposed Components for U.S. NAP
The WIIS report identified three major reforms that should be included in the U.S. NAP to ensure greater participation of women at all levels of foreign policy creation and particularly in the top level decision-making positions. To these three interventions, I add one more based on observations of best practices in other E.U. countries that have had better progress at approaching gender parity in the higher bureaucratic positions. Together, these make a group of four interventions necessary to making an effective NAP for the U.S.:
1. Training on two levels: First, trainings for people currently in top level and
management positions on the holistic approach to promoting and retaining women in their agencies. Second, provide leadership development trainings for women who demonstrate an interest. Many participants in the WIIS report expressed concern over the paucity of opportunities for career development within the peace and security sectors of the government. These trainings would not necessarily need to be exclusively for women, however, there should be targeted trainings that particularly address the challenges women face due to social perceptions of leadership roles.
This need for training has also been recognized in the business world. A recent report published by Deloitte Consulting calls for “acknowledging and investing in women”, saying that doing so “can yield a significant return—a return known as the gender dividend.” Deloitte has long been a leader in making the business case for parity and within its own offices has had great success through training approaches similar to the above recommendations.
2. Mentoring programs created and supported to ensure sustained relationships:
“Women in the [WIIS] study experienced a direct correlation between mentorship and professional advancement.” Government offices are no exception to the general saying that “its not what you know but who you know”, making mentoring relationships vital to the success of anyone in any career. Creating the opportunity for women newly entering the peace and security career track to be mentored by someone in a leadership position will purposefully give the support needed to aiding these women’s successful career advancement. However, once created, these mentorship programs must be sustained and continually encouraged through various incentives to the mentors to stay engaged with their mentees.
3. Flexibility for better work-life balance: Across all careers, women and men
face hard decisions of prioritizing work versus their personal lives. While traditionally this problem has been associated solely with women, it is no longer the cultural assumption that women will stay home, sacrificing careers for children. The desire for greater work-life balance is expressed by men and women alike. In the WIIS study, participants expressed that while rules on paper allowed for flexibility, “key work-life balance arrangements are not yet institutionalized uniformly across the government.”
In order to retain talent and not lose the investment in human capital, government offices need to have holistic approaches to offering all workers greater flexibility. Two examples of this are paternity leave and part-time work arrangements. Leave for both parents during and following a pregnancy or for emergency childcare should be instituted across all government sectors. Men and women should have the option to work part-time from home for a period of time without setbacks in career advancement.
4. Improved data collection, monitoring and evaluation: For any of the above
recommendations to be successfully, they should be accompanied with changes in the personnel management method of tracking gender-related data. Many of the EU countries with NAPs included specific references to human resources management being responsible for recording gender rations. This data should track not only the gender make-up of current employees, but also each of the following groups: application pools according to sector and GS level; new hires; training participants; mentorship programs; promotion-eligible individuals and those who received promotions, etc. In order to accurately target change and track outcomes, statistical analysis is required on a more detailed level than is possible with currently available data.
The WIIS report remarked that “outside of the military ranks, the statistics on civilian women in specific government positions are not easily accessible. While government agencies track general statistics on recruitment, retention, and attrition, the numbers often do not capture enough information on how women are experiencing barriers to advancement and when they are choosing to leave government service.”
These four interventions should be directly addressed in the NAP for the U.S. in order to institutionalize a gender-aware approach at all levels of government careers that shape peace and security policy and operations. Once again, these are not all-inclusive and the purpose of this paper is solely to make recommendations addressing the domestic aspects of the NAP. These recommendations promote a strong approach to gender-mainstreaming in both DOD and DOS. Since there will be many opponents to this notion, the following pages address possible responses to this opposition.
Friday, May 20, 2011
A new interesting study...
Diminishing and ultimately eliminating gender and racial disadvantage in the workplace and labor market is a worthy goal of any policy maker, businessman or civil rights advocate. However, fixing it requires understanding the underlying causes of this persistent problem. One major theory is that certain institutional or organizational mechanisms are inadvertently promoting discrimination. A recent study by researchers at the University of Arizona titled “Cracking the Glass Cages? Restructuring and Ascriptive Inequality at Work” examined the various structural changes that could help to erode the existing gender and racial disadvantages. To determine these best practices, the researchers used data from over 800 American organizations over the last 20 years.
Major Findings:
• As of 2002 approximately 60% of American workplaces had incorporated team work into some aspect of their staff interactions, this is important because it gives women and minorities a chance to gain visibility which is often a major obstacle.
• Provision of further job training for workers to encourage management skills grew from being present in only 45% of jobs in 1980 to nearly 80% in 2002.
• Increased diversity in managerial positions may be a cause of the above two improvements, the ratio of white male managers fell from 75% in 1980 to 62% in 2002, while the ratio of white females rose from 19% to 26%, black female’s from less than 1% to 2%, and black male’s from 2.4% to 3.1%
• The introduction of self-directed team work was associated with a decline in the probability of white male managers by 8% and an increase of probability of a white female by 9%, a black female 3.5% and a black male by 5%
• The adoption of cross-training improved the probability of white women, black women and black men of being a manager by 4% and decreases the probability for white men by 7.5%.
The researchers concluded that their evidence “provides strong support for the argument that restructuring work to weaken job segregation improves the access of women and minorities to management.”
Major Findings:
• As of 2002 approximately 60% of American workplaces had incorporated team work into some aspect of their staff interactions, this is important because it gives women and minorities a chance to gain visibility which is often a major obstacle.
• Provision of further job training for workers to encourage management skills grew from being present in only 45% of jobs in 1980 to nearly 80% in 2002.
• Increased diversity in managerial positions may be a cause of the above two improvements, the ratio of white male managers fell from 75% in 1980 to 62% in 2002, while the ratio of white females rose from 19% to 26%, black female’s from less than 1% to 2%, and black male’s from 2.4% to 3.1%
• The introduction of self-directed team work was associated with a decline in the probability of white male managers by 8% and an increase of probability of a white female by 9%, a black female 3.5% and a black male by 5%
• The adoption of cross-training improved the probability of white women, black women and black men of being a manager by 4% and decreases the probability for white men by 7.5%.
The researchers concluded that their evidence “provides strong support for the argument that restructuring work to weaken job segregation improves the access of women and minorities to management.”
Thursday, May 19, 2011
Brief History of UNSCR 1325
During the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union, powerful developed countries drastically increased their involvement in conflict prevention, intervention and recovery throughout the developing world. While progress on international humanitarian efforts had remained largely stagnant throughout the Cold War, the war’s ending heralded an expansion of humanitarian international norms through conventions, establishment of international courts, and increased influence of interventionist ideologies in foreign policy. No longer focused on the sole objective of fighting to prevent the spread of Communism, there was a resurgence of the multilateral spirit that produced the United Nations and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights in the 1940s following the end of World War Two. From Bosnia to Haiti and from Cambodia to Somalia, both successes and failures revealed a number of key factors to sustainable peace. A group of NGOs, predominantly U.S.-based, identified female involvement as one of these key factors.
These NGOs, with support of various governments (including the U.S.), began a campaign to formalize gender mainstreaming in peace and conflict processes. This campaign resulted in the successful passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) calling for members states to involve women at all levels of every aspect of national security and foreign policy that influenced peace processes. Subsequent revisions over the ten years after passage of UNSCR 1325 encouraged each member state to create a National Action Plan (NAP) for the implementation of 1325 to lay out a strategy of how to achieve gender mainstreaming in peace and security sectors.
Since the passage, ten years ago, of UNSCR 1325, there has been widespread debate about the actual impact of its call for greater inclusion of female perspectives in the peace and security sectors of all countries. While many believe is that adding women to the equation more often than not aids in the creation of a sustainable peace, only 25 countries have signaled their commitment to inclusive security with passage of NAPs. Addressing the domestic aspects, countries such as the U.K., Sweden, Belgium and Finland have purposefully set strategies through the adoption of a NAP to increase gender inclusiveness in their peace and security ministries, which have been successful in increasing the ratio of females in government employment.
These NGOs, with support of various governments (including the U.S.), began a campaign to formalize gender mainstreaming in peace and conflict processes. This campaign resulted in the successful passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) calling for members states to involve women at all levels of every aspect of national security and foreign policy that influenced peace processes. Subsequent revisions over the ten years after passage of UNSCR 1325 encouraged each member state to create a National Action Plan (NAP) for the implementation of 1325 to lay out a strategy of how to achieve gender mainstreaming in peace and security sectors.
Since the passage, ten years ago, of UNSCR 1325, there has been widespread debate about the actual impact of its call for greater inclusion of female perspectives in the peace and security sectors of all countries. While many believe is that adding women to the equation more often than not aids in the creation of a sustainable peace, only 25 countries have signaled their commitment to inclusive security with passage of NAPs. Addressing the domestic aspects, countries such as the U.K., Sweden, Belgium and Finland have purposefully set strategies through the adoption of a NAP to increase gender inclusiveness in their peace and security ministries, which have been successful in increasing the ratio of females in government employment.
Monday, March 28, 2011
A National Action Plan for the U.S.: Promoting Women in Peace and Security Careers
Since the passage, ten years ago, of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325 there has been widespread debate about the actual impact of its push for inclusion of female perspectives in peace negotiations and post-conflict reconstruction. However, the general consensus is that, indeed, adding women to the equation more often than not aids in the creation of a sustainable peace. This recognition of the importance of female perspectives on important decision making processes has led many countries to create National Action Plans (NAPs) for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in both their domestic and foreign policy in the form of gender-mainstreaming measures. Countries such as the U.K., Sweden, Canada and Finland have purposefully set strategies to increase gender inclusivity in their peace and security ministries, leading to successful results. However, such a plan has not yet been crafted for the United States. It is not a surprise, then, that within the U.S. Departments of Defense (DOD), Homeland Security (DHS), and State (DOS) where much of the agenda-setting for national security occurs; there is little evidence of efforts towards gender parity among administrators and ratios of females in the Senior Executive Service have remained nearly stagnant in the years following UNSCR 1325.
Recently, an inter-agency working group has been tasked with designing a NAP for the implementation of 1325 in the U.S. A major piece of this initiative must be domestic requirements to recruit, retain and promote women in peace and security careers.
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